How to Save Italy

One need not be a follower of political philosophy to realize that Italy is in deep trouble. With an incompetent prime minister and corruption permeating both major parties in Rome's Chamber of Deputies, it seems inevitable that the country will fall back into the 50-year pattern of presidents on the council of ministers barely managing to hold 9-month mandates before collapsing or resigning in shame. In truth, the only periods of stability experienced by birthplace of the Roman Empire since the death of Mussolini have been the noble Alcide de Gasperi's 8-year mandate which ended in 1953, and Bettino Craxi's 48 months during the 1980s, known best for their fields of corruption and assistance in producing the clown prince of Rome who holds power today.

(Photo credit goes to GlobalFirepower.com)

With such a horrific record behind state, some might question why anyone would bother to consider the possibilities any longer, and yet the reality is that good reason remains in the interest of doing so. Europe is dying. In England, David Cameron's waffling on neo-multiculturalism is sealing his nation's twilight, and "economics only" policies have prevented needed changes to the countries of Germany as well as Spain. Under Nicholas Sarkozy, France has somewhat pulled itself back from the brink, yet the shadow of his defeat in next year's elections could well undermine this progress forever.   

And so we are left with Italy, a strong Roman Catholic nation that has the opportunity to be the equivalent of Britain during the Second World War, albeit in a different style. By adopting six key reforms to government, Rome may well be capable of turning back the dangerous lean towards Europe's general path, a road lined with destruction and undoing. Few of these changes would be easy to adopt, and some might even endanger the life of the leader to pursue them, but the interests of such a historic world power should not be dashed by fears of death--no matter how serious. Should such a commander arise, Italy may have golden years rather than a winter era in its future.

• Reformation of the Chamber

 Political power always begins or rest within a legislature, and so it is understandable that the heart of the Italian stability problem rests in the divisions of the lower house, which can make or break a prime ministers. More than 600 members currently serve in the house, which creates a singular problem when attempting to achieve a majority government or pass a referendum without needing the consultations of the people, who fail to turn out and render the tests invalid. In order to fix this demise, the number of deputies should be reduced to 533, thus reducing the number of swing blocs that often cripple executive decisions by withdrawing from a coalition. This will further prevent regionalism from continuing to undermine a firm national government, preventing the Party of Values and Lega Nord from winning no confidence votes whenever they please.

•  Reformation of the Senate

The purpose of any upper house is to give membership to a nation's oligarchy; the rich few who can deliberate and pass a resolution without the regional squabbling seen in its lower counterpart. As such the Senate should be made up of the wealthy few, not a colorful bloc of members who can undermine stability by             rejecting a government's formation.  Again, a change in numbers is needed to better the senate's stability. Rather than 315, the chamber should be reduced to 101, allowing for more decisive majorities than what is seen in Rome today.   Furthermore, lifetime senatorial positions must be abolished, eradicating an unneeded drain on the country's monetary supply to provide exorbitant salaries to former executives.

• A Stronger Presidency

The only European nation with as large of an assembly as Italy is France, yet this   reality is offset by the empowerment of the French President under the semi-presidential system. France's governmental structure allows the president to conduct foreign relations and hold certain basic legislative powers while serving    in an popularly chosen term of office. A prime minister is still employed, yet this position manages affairs of state and leads a majority to confirm the cabinet of the president by voting in approval. In short, the executive branch is independent enough that it can remain stable even when the legislative body is weak, thus         preventing the interruption of power that is very evident in Italian politics. Having an appointed president is not enough, as it is powerless in nature and serves little purpose other than to appoint the Council of Ministers.

• Privatization, Privatization, Privatization

 Italy currently struggles with debt making up 120% of GDP, a situation which could well lead to a Greek-style collapse if not adjusted. Instead of following this suicidal form of financial policy, the government should pass structural privatization laws, cutting down government spending and reducing the public workforce while attracting foreign companies to do business within its borders.This move could generationally impact the country, leading to a more motivated populace with less dependency on the government for employment.            Additionally, it would make the country more competitive in the EU race for economic supremacy, preventing its marginalization next to France and Germany in the coming future.

•  Island Security

Perhaps Silvio Berlusconi's greatest achievement during his years in office has been the imposition of harsh illegal immigration restrictions for violators who attempt to enter the country through its southern islands of Sicily and Lampedusa. Simply halting here is not enough, however. The Italian Navy should be moved to             create   a blockade around Lampedusa and its larger cousin, policing the waters and preventing smuggling vessels from dropping immigrants off without proper documentation. If necessary, the standing defense force would fire on ships from Tunisia or Morocco which have been known to transfer black market weapons and drugs into the Italian mainland.  

• Instating of Il Rosso Vento

 This is certainly not the first time when a call for the formation of a group such as Il Rosso Vento has been made, and common sense suggests it will not be the last.Why the title? Well, back in the day European nobles would hire mercenaries for the exact purpose of striking back at bandits and thieves without requiring the             constant use of their own judgment systems. These enforcers for hire were sometimes known as the "Red Wind," as they brought swift justice to lawbreakers without bothering the a lord beyond his money coffers.  

An Italian version of this system in the modern day could be equally as effective, trained by Russian or American private armies and tasked with the extrajudicial neutralization of Mafia members across Sicily and the mainland. With groups such as the Ndrangheta making up most of the South's import wealth, massive             tactical strikes without the interference of the justice system could absolutely undermine organized crime in the same way that Alberto Fujimori defeated the Shining Path terrorists in Peru. Other than being a quick method, the same groups would be able to find incriminating evidence regarding entrenched corruption in the government, handing this off to the authorities and resulting in a cleansing of the public sector.

Inaction has never produced freedom. Only courage can do so. Italy must have the strength to stand and do what is necessary to save itself from the future of Europe.

Nigel Garrison

National Alliance Vice President for European Affairs

One Man for Himself: Grover Norquist's War on Freedom

For more than two decades Grover Norquist has propped himself up as a financial and tax reform guru, rubbing elbows with both Bush administrations and politicians from the right/left divide, yet more and more he displays a unique and discomforting sinister entourage of coalesced hate for America and the solvency of its treasury.

To understand the grain of this issue it must be realized that notwithstanding his "pro-middle class" talking points, Norquist has never truly cared to get involved in causes beyond those directly benefiting his own lobbying group in Washington D.C. Throughout the Clinton years he banged the gavel for better tax rates--a worthy cause, yet his actions beyond this have been of questionable wisdom. When prompted to take a stand on the Iraq War in 2003, Norquist came out and slammed the Democrats for opposing the efforts of the Bush Administration and stated that  they were on the wrong side of history. But only two years later he was back, writing a New York Times op-ed that criticied the actions as based on neoconservative desires. This may best be explained by recalling that the once floundering center-left was set to take hold of Congress in 2006, and Norquist needed friends to continue profiting off of.

But perhaps the anti-taxman's greatest offense is the marked inability he has demonstrated to condemn Islamic terrorism as a threat to America's borders. In 2005, Norquist tied the knot with attractive Kuwaiti researcher Samah, a devote Muslim who would get Norquist even closer to Middle Eastern business interests--including Saudi Arabia.

Interracial or bi-religious marriage is not a crime, but Norquist's insistence on blocking any sort of inquiry or pursuit of common sense anti-terrorist justice leave his true sympathies in the dark to even his closest followers. The Islamic Institute, which received considerable money from and was founded by Norquist was embroiled in controversy when its president, Abdurahman Alamoud, was arrested and sentenced to 23 years for terrorist actions in 1999.

Only a decade later, Norquist would again choose the path of least resistance to Islamic expansionism, calling on activists to end their concerns over the Ground Zero Mosque and focus instead on tax issues, his portfolio of employment.

As far as his personal faith, Norquist seems surprisingly unwilling to say, an oddity considering his Harvard education and seeming desire to foster common ground for all peoples. To him, the question is "too much of a personal issue," yet apparently his associations with active terrorists ought to be passed off as "business contacts" in his general opinion.

Denizens of America such as Norquist pose a problem to national security because they are fully willing to sacrifice everything for the sake of a few dollars more. If Americans are wise, they will ignore Norquist's self-concerned pursuits and instead follow figureheads who are not partial to the nation's collapse as long as its brings about the lining of their own pockets.



John Lai

National Alliance Treasurer and Comptroller General

Long-term Security

Not an election cycle goes by without voters hearing the vehement rantings concerning changes to America's debt-laden system of retirement security from both challengers and incumbents in the democratic process. There are cries of instability, injustice, and the unfairness to seniors which both the plan's current state and its recommended improvements seem inevitably bundled with. Despite the flashy and divisive media points which these meandering arguments can stir up, they almost universally miss the centrist and pro-American mission of reforming and revamping the fundamentals of the Social Security System. 

Contrary to the popular talking point of the center-leftists, stabilizing the retirement system is actually an incredibly secure and generally risk free process that can be accomplished through a one time dedication to cooperation within both houses of Congress. 

In order to effectively reform Social Security, the National Alliance Party proposes a three factor process. First, Congress must act to create an umbrella organization for all current Social Security participants over the age of 50. This net will transfer all the retiree funds to a secondary agency for a 40-year mandate of continued  service after these Americans choose to cease working. As the years pass and these citizens retire, they will not be affected by an immediate burden of funding their own retirement if their careers were not adequately successful enough.  By insisting on securing the future of seniors in our country, the government can avoid unnecessary political bloodshed from the older crowd in forthcoming elections. 

Next on the government's plate would be legislation to establish a safety net for the lower half of the impoverished American population. Using basic logic, the poorer and likely the less educated people of this nation should not be trusted with their own retirement funds, as a simple investment mistake could devastate them. In this manner, even the most vulnerable financially would be able to avoid the potential trap of poor decisions with what they have been entrusted with in life. 

It might seem so far as if this system would  not change the sagging weights of the current retirement agency, but its crowning piece is yet to come. Under this more ideal proposal, the government would transfer retirement accounts for the middle class to solidly based 401k investment securities. Instead of handing money to the potentially reckless, Congress could secure people's funds within nearly impenetrable savings accounts while removing the insane burden which is Social Security from the shoulders of future American taxpayers. 

Realistically, America has few other choices when dealing with this issue. As a nation with innumerable foreign and national security interests, we can hardly afford to cut the defense budget out of convenience to bring in more supportive revenue. A mass tax levy might work, but Americans would hardly stand for it at the polling booths, and we do not have enough graduates starting their own companies which may be targeted for more public funds.

In the 21st Century, it is the duty of every elected official and the people whom they represent to make sacrifices for the good of the future. Social Security might have sounded fine in promotion, but in practice it has become a terrible burden which threatens to cripple out economy in the relatively near future. But despite its menace, a series of tough and unrelenting steps can dramatically turn the tide for the good of the people. This is not about politics; it must be about responsibility.

Ayla Samadi

National Alliance Vice President for Domestic Affairs