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Thursday, February 17, 2011

The Case for Compassion

It seems today the goal of all politicians seeking the presidential nomination from the American center-right to attempt across the board to out-conservatize each other in hopes of attaining the spot at the top of the selection list. This also includes the rather distasteful aspect of immigration, an issue which many have made forthright in their bids for the nation's top office. Not being a strong armed figure on the border suggests a flimsy character and disregard for the well-being of the country in the modern day. Unfortunately the largest American party which currently occupies the executive's chair and the Senate know how critically this can be turned against the raucous conservatives to secure victory in the constantly-discussed race of 2012. Thus the Republicans need to adopt a new policy before they risk alienating what might be a strictly reliable supporting base.



Immigration is a structural problem in our country not made better by the regular Mexican-American alliance of labor and remittances which prevent the latter nation from taking sensible action on the issue. As such it is not entirely the fault of immigrants from the Central-South American region that they desire to escape the cartels and come to a new land where general safety is a more regular facet of life. But the rolling plains of the American past are gone, instead giving way to the urbanized and government-supported regions pf the present in which social democracy tends to prevail, thus putting a burden on the federal and state branches who offer mandated services.



Republicans are simply answering the call of many concerned citizens of various races about the dangers of unchecked immigration, yet the Democratic Party in its classic style is using the issue to drive a wedge between their opponents and the ever advancing Latino populations. Carefully they have set the stage to play the helpless minorities against the evil and ancient white majority, a trend which by all calculable methods has worked. In 2008, the GOP got a measly 21% of Hispanic votes, and current polls do not show a tremendous change in opinion from the ethnic group.

At the heart of this the GOP faces a critical issue in managing to reach out and form coalitions with this rising community which has already began to propagate and culturally pluralize in southern regions of Texas,Florida, and California.  With the Latino society generally a more traditionalist model, it is difficult to see why the two bodies would be incompatible, yet the Democrats have succeeded in spinning the message of racism into the discussion, undermining a potential alliance between them.

Historically the GOP has been the least ready party to adapt to the issues of the present, but this one poses a greater threat with the legacy of Barack Obama now at stake. His reelection garners the center-left with a figure of general success which only impeachment or resignation could ever begin to discourage. Like Clinton, Obama will ride the storm if reelected, leaving historians to categorically attribute him as a isnpirational vote-getter despite the central faults of his character and policy.

No one should hope that the GOP drops the immigration factor entirely, yet making it centerpiece in a year when so much is at stake would be a critical error. Job creation and tort reform must be the foremost elements of the discussion, as they are squarely in the president's no-go zone in his performance as the commander-in-chief. Immigration reform should be implemented but only once the 44th President is on his way out so that Hispanics do come to the party. Failing to make that connection and neglecting to tone down the anti-immigrant rhetoric can only result in a six--and not four year wait to return a leader to the Whitehouse.



Jordan Wells

National Alliance Vice President for Policy

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