Rise and Fall

A sizable number of observers have already noted that Ed Miliband's narrow victory for the opposition post in Great Britain marks a shift in policy away from the Tony Blair era, yet they seem to miss the largest ramification which it will near positively have on the state of government: David Cameron's election defeat. Regardless of Cameron's hopes for grand coalition of liberal conservatism, his own arrogance towards principles shall be the ticket to sweep his younger opponent into office in the 2015 general election.

Although he began his term as opposition leader in December 2005 following a reasonable polling success of leader Michael Howard, Cameron squandered his beliefs for the assurance of his eventual premiership, flipping sides on practically every issue until his credentials on policy boiled down to a vague "cuts in the budget" mentality. Voters in 2010 were not simply angry about the economy; they desired a premier who would once again respect their nation for what it was, not what Labour wanted in to become. Yet in his last ditch effort to hold together a fragile base, the future prime minister began endorsing everything from multiculturalism deception  to gay marriage and abortion. Unlike William Hague, Iain Smith, and Howard before him, Cameron detests the conservative message, dancing in the streets instead for a savvy public relations image which lacks sincerity but managed to still win an election...with 36% of the vote.

Sadly for the Etonite, his rush from principle will hand the Commons to Ed Miliband, a man with Marxist sympathies and little interest in the right-wing policies of Tony Blair and John Major.

It is not to say that the British people dislike the fundamentals of conservatism--in fact they embrace them, albeit not in the shaved and forlorn arrangement made by David Cameron. The prime minister's fleeing from tough terrorism policies, radical reform to the NHS, and a return to traditional values is the weight to his ankle for 2015. While the coalition may be above water now, their worthless three-point advantage will not mean much once Mr. Miliband starts showing his own skill in question periods, which some compare to Cameron's.

Miliband offers little of substance to the nation, yet his opponent's gerrymandering to maintain a progressively charged coalition with the Liberal Democrats will both dissatisfy conservatives, who will not show up to poll, and upstart the left, who will undoubtedly come out in full force for the Labour leader. By 2015, Cameron's brittle immigration and anti-terrorism policies will seem pale compared to those of even the Brown government, losing him the support of moderates who might have been less skeptical with the presence of firm defense appropriations by the administrating parties.

As it remains clear today, the only aspect that might save Cameron would be for his party to install William Hague as head of government, reverting the former premier to a lower education or secretariat position in which his damaging behavior can be repelled. Never before has Great Britain had a weaker or less decisive leader in charge of its daily affairs, and only swift reversal can save the nation from its slippery slope of centralized government and radicalized multiculturalism.

Gabriele Vogt

National Alliance Chairman